“We can only hope that those who have erred are punished”

‘Checking the charges to convocation ratio of the ICAC and FCC would be informative, especially considering Duval’s past observation of its scarcity under the ICAC’

Interview: Chetan Ramchurn

* ‘Our electoral system might be imperfect, but toying with it is not in our country’s best interest…
… If smaller parties are elected to merely co-exist and reinforce a monochrome hue as is the case now, what is their utility?’

* ‘We are a great nation with wonderful people but there are sick minds in our midst’

The recent municipal elections — held after a decade-long delay and marked by a record-breaking 73.73% abstention rate — have cast a revealing light on the state of Mauritian democracy. While the Alliance du Changement’s sweeping victory across 117 of 120 seats suggests continued dominance in urban strongholds, the unprecedented voter disengagement signals a deeper malaise. Is this electoral apathy a symptom of institutional fatigue, disillusionment with traditional power structures, or a quiet but growing appetite for systemic reform? Against this backdrop, Chetan Ramchurn offers a frank diagnosis of the narrowing space for credible alternatives, and the pressing need to reimagine both governance and civic engagement.

Mauritius Times: The results of the recent municipal elections, held after a 10-year delay and three postponements by the preceding MSM government, confirmed the ruling Alliance du Changement’s strong foothold in urban areas, with an overwhelming victory of 117 out of the 120 contested seats. However, a record 73.73% of registered electors abstained from voting, compared to 64.39% in 2015. In light of these election results and the historic abstention rate, what emerging trends, if any, do you perceive in the Mauritian political landscape?

Chetan Ramchurn: Let us hope that the same delay never gets repeated again. Would inscribing municipal elections to be held on a quinquennial or sexennial basis in the constitution not be the right signal to the people? Had the MSM-led alliance consulted the people in 2021 they would have understood that they were staring at a very angry and disappointed electorate.

The perception that many have of the local authorities is that ultimately power rests with the central government and many of the councillors are fielded as a reward for their contribution during the general elections. No surprise then why most electors preferred to rest on Sunday last than make the trip to a voting cubicle.

The lack of interest in the municipal polls is not new, but these are alarming lows. The PMSD’s and MSM’s absence from this fray has no doubt diminished the level of polarisation and subsequently impacted the turnout.

On the other hand, the grace period given to the new team will be a short one. People expect more than seeing the same faces paraded in front of the Financial Crimes Commission’s quarters or mundane PR-exercises with a profusion of useless Facebook Lives or selfies. These demagogue shticks no longer work when in power. I wrote earlier, all landslide victories (with an alliance that has won more than 50 or more of the seats, like in 1982, 1991, 1995, 2000) were followed by a defeat at the next general election. Having hoped for change, I can only wish that those at the helm start delivering.

My hope is that direct democracy will revitalize local government. As the people, we possess the understanding of what necessitates greater attention and investment, such as more street lighting, additional playgrounds, libraries, public toilets, or dispensaries. Could this not become a significant testing ground for witnessing the direct impact of our involvement on our environment?

* Regarding the outcomes of the recent municipal elections, it’s noteworthy that Patrick Belcourt of ‘En Avant Moris,’ Ashwin Dookun, a former mayor of Vacoas-Phoenix and member of the Reform Party, and independent candidate Ajay Teerbhoohan have succeeded against expectations. Commentators have offered various interpretations: some downplay Belcourt’s victory by comparing it to Rama Valayden’s earlier municipal win; others view the high abstention rate as a sign of electorate dissatisfaction with the current governance of the country at both central and local government levels… Could any, or all, of these interpretations be accurate?

These elections should have been a walkover and to a large degree they have been. Of the three elected councillors, the story of Teerbhoohan carries a greater feel-good cachet. Nonetheless, there have been breaches which will undoubtedly grow with time.

That there is growing dissatisfaction, fuelled by rising communal tensions, appalling nominations, and declining journalistic integrity, is undeniable. The lack of clarity surrounding the alleged oral submission on “Obligation of Israel in relation to the presence and activities of the United Nations, other International Organisations and third states in and in relation to the Occupied Palestinian Territory” exemplifies this decline. Further contributing to this sentiment are lethargic ministers, numerous unkept promises, and a pervasive feeling of cluelessness emanating from those in power.

This situation arises because they have overpromised and are underdelivering, seemingly oblivious to the fact that the last elections were primarily about preventing Pravind Jugnauth from coming to power, rather than granting a new lease of life to Ramgoolam and Berenger. The third 60-0 victory in our history was built on rejection and a lack of genuine adherence.

Belcourt’s persistence and growing popularity in No. 19, with him more than doubling his score between 2019 and 2024 at the general elections and now elected at these municipal polls, is hard to miss. Still, others with success at municipal level could never replicate it at national level. Whether these fissures become gaping holes will only be determined by the work those elected from outside the mainstream parties perform.

* what is obvious is that the current electoral system hinders the emergence and consolidation of ‘small’ political parties as formidable challengers to the ‘established’ national parties. Consequently, each general election invariably brings back the same actors in a kind of political ‘musical chairs,’ and those established parties have no interest in changing the rules of the game that are structurally favourable to them at each election. It doesn’t seem like there’s a way out of this conundrum any time soon, does it?

Many have wished for a greater dose of proportional representation as a potential solution. However, this approach carries several inherent dangers, most notably the risk of amplifying extreme views. Unless safeguards are in place to prevent candidates espousing racist opinions from running, proportional representation presents a significant challenge. Furthermore, PR tends to concentrate power in the hands of party leaders, which can be seen as contradictory to the principles of a healthy democracy.

Many of the smaller parties are headed by much maligned figures that used to belong to mainstream factions. Is their election really what we should wish for? Our First-Past-The-Post system is not perfect, but it has ensured political stability. Additionally, many small parties lack a clear and defined political stance. What does Belcourt stand for? The only thing that we know of him is that he is a ‘zenfan Rozil’. But does he favour a liberal economic system? If so, isn’t this tendency already present among our current political figures?

Our electoral system might be imperfect, but toying with it is not in our country’s best interest. If smaller parties are elected to merely co-exist and reinforce a monochrome hue as is the case now, what is their utility? You cannot repudiate all your battles for the sake of power. You cannot abandon your singularity to merge with others and merely echo their every single every word.

The wish is that people start waking up to the reality that it is a musical chair between the same people and start giving their chance to new faces with bolder ideas.

* With nearly 74% of voters abstaining – a perceived “strong message” addressed to the political class – is it reasonable to expect changes in the governance of the country, both at central and local levels, or will the status quo prevail, similar to the aftermath of earlier municipal elections?

There is unlikely to be any demarcation from their previous behaviour. This present governance style suits them perfectly. Talks of democratisation have long been abandoned by the Labour Party and even longer by the MMM. Have you seen some of the nominations? We still have a vice-presidential post that does not serve much. People that were part of the hedging disaster have been enrolled once again.

The government’s apparent appeasement of the oligarchy, coinciding with the impending renegotiation of IPP contracts, suggests a reluctance to disrupt the status quo and a likely continuation of existing practices. In contrast, a genuinely progressive alliance would prioritize empowering the people. Serving the interests of oligarchs is incompatible with this goal, necessitating public vigilance over the IPP contract renegotiations. The crucial questions remain: What will the new terms entail? Wouldn’t independent energy production better serve the nation’s interests?

Now, more than ever, citizens need a voice in how their public funds are utilized. Would Mauritians prefer to remain reliant on outsourced energy production by private entities, or would they rather pursue energy independence? This juncture presents a potential opportunity to choose between allocating billions to power producers and achieving energy independence, alongside empowering citizens with tools like recall elections and the ability to sanction unfit MPs. However, historical precedent indicates that such a fundamental shift in power dynamics is improbable.

* At the central government level, there appears to be a strong willingness among political leaders to initiate action and bring about change. However, the electorate expects rapid and positive improvements across various sectors – including Education, Health, and Finance, as well as in everyday expenses like groceries and petrol. Furthermore, there’s a strong public desire to see perceived wrongdoers from the former regime quickly brought to justice. These expectations are not yet being fully met. How might this lag in meeting public expectations impact the government’s standing and future political prospects?

People would be patient had those in office exerted some form of restraint and wisdom in their decision making: the presidential-style of governance with unelected figures having more power than elected ones, the ghastly nominees, the repetition of the same mistakes as the previous regime: are we now again discriminating between public and private sector employees? If there are torrential rains which could be a threat to the lives of people, all employees should be allowed to go home.

As if this weren’t enough, are we once again seeing a coterie of lackeys determining our nation’s future? To paraphrase Jean-Baptiste Alphonse Karr, ‘the more things change, the more they stay the same.’ Ramgoolam’s succession as leader of the Labour Party is already being challenged by many many without the gravitas, veritas or honest as required. There is drama up the horizon.

* Despite some ministers’ references to “resistance to change” within senior civil service ranks – an assertion that warrants scrutiny – what specific and actionable measures could the central government implement to better meet public expectations regarding issues like the cost of living and accountability for the previous administration?

It is verily the first time that a government elected with a landslide victory of 60-0 is complaining about not having enough power.

One of the issues that the new team is meeting is that it is failing to convey what it stands for and what it would like to achieve. Why? To paraphrase Lacan: « Ce qui n’est pas nommé n’existe pas ». They are merely managing the affairs and not leading any change. If the ‘business as usual’ mentality prevails, the status quo will endure.

Clearly, the country demands greater efforts towards self-sufficiency. We should look at what Rwanda has done to enhance vegetable production: embracing modern agriculture techniques, additional income to farmers, small-scale irrigation technology which is solar-powered, among other incentives. Ghana’s Poultry Intensification Scheme (PIS) which aims to boost the local broiler industry could give us several cues: credits in-kind which include day-old chicks, feed, and vaccines, as well as access to grants for post-production processing and cold storage equipment. The greatest challenge will be to create a generation of young farmers in a country where land is in the hands of a few. The democratisation of land with the right incentives will enable greater vegetable and meat production.

With a weak rupee, we will remain vulnerable to external shocks. The mantra for currency appreciation is known: robust economic growth, solid exports and sound monetary policies. Let us see how the present government fares on these fronts. Other KPIs that we should pay attention to is an increased savings rate, a decreasing Gini coefficient, a decrease in the number of accidents and femicides and the number of new libraries that are created in localities. Would now not be the right time to introduce a Gross National Happiness Index? In 2010, I penned the following lines:

“Any country with real concern for its citizens would follow in the footsteps of Bhutan which has decided to forgo the traditional GDP measure for a more people centric one using its now celebrated Gross National Happiness Index to gauge the prosperity of its nation. If it sounds like a term borrowed from Lewis Caroll’s book, think again. For economic thought leaders as celebrated as Amartya Sen and Joseph Stiglitz consider it as a more than credible alternative to the now passé GDP.”

* The State of the Economy report indicates that public finances provide little scope for government to offer substantial relief to households. Moreover, investigative bodies face constraints within the legal framework regarding the timely pursuit of perceived wrongdoers. Consequently, a crisis of expectations is probable, and the current political leadership would almost certainly try to avoid being burdened during their full term by investigations of past alleged offenders. What’s your take on that challenging situation?

How credible is an unsigned official report? Unsurprisingly, the temptation to further squeeze the middle and lower classes without affecting the wealthy is present. There’s a desire to make the most vulnerable “serr sintir” as if they were the ones who benefited from the smart city scheme, amassed billions from the MIC, or enjoyed the perks of stimulus packages.

On the other hand, if the government rests solely on the alleged corruption cases against its opponents as a way to quell public expectations and angst, it is ill-guided. We are a fiscal haven, and we have the laws that our jurisdiction warrants. Why else would people close to Agliotti, Gupta or Sobrinho himself come to Mauritius during the last decade? We might not qualify as a rogue state but in the not-too-distant past we have been a magnet for shady characters from across the world. To pretend otherwise would be foolish of us.

We hope for truth and justice to prevail. We should scrutinise all gargantuan expenditures. Thieves and looters are everywhere, and some have been starving for years.

* The Financial Crimes Commission’s current investigations indeed points to a perverted system prevalent during the MSM’s mandates, particularly the last one – widely suspected, yet unimaginable in its gravity. The question remains: will those who have done wrong ultimately face the consequences of their actions?

We can only hope that those who have erred are punished. It would be good to look at the charges to convocation ratio of the ICAC and the FCC. Duval once highlighted how scant this was under the ICAC. Are the same personnel today at the FCC? With these measly conviction output, would the politicians and their stooges really be afraid of engaging in corrupt activities? Hardly so.

We need additional expertise, be it local or foreign, to bolster the commission’s investigative capabilities. I fear not much is going to result from all these convocations, but I hope to be proved wrong.

* While it’s uncertain whether a full-blown war will erupt between India and Pakistan in the near future – and it’s hoped that this does not happen – our island’s borderless nature, surrounded by the ocean, has protected us from turmoil. The potential for conflict elsewhere should make us appreciate the peace and mutual respect we generally experience in Mauritius even more, doesn’t it?

Let us hope that peace prevails between these two neighbours.

We are a great nation with wonderful people but there are sick minds in our midst who believe that they have been entrusted with carrying out the mission of hurting or killing others that do not share the same views as them. The authorities should keep them in check.

Importing conflicts creates divisions and heightens tensions between us; they divide us from us. We cannot afford that. We are one. We have to remain one.

Mauritius Times ePaper Friday 9 May 2025