The Far-Right causes Turmoil in Liberal Europe

The success of AfD is yet another example of a wave of successes by right-wing parties that has been spreading across Europe

By Anil Madan

Germany’s just-concluded election showed the right-wing AfD party making its best showing in the twelve years of its existence. It won almost one-fourth of the total seats in the 630-seat Bundestag. Still, the mainstream conservative party of Friedrich Merz, which won just about one-third of the seats will be able to form a coalition government that excludes the AfD. The AfD has not yet been part of any national coalition government. Other parties have declared that they will not work with AfD, thus creating what is frequently referred to as a political “firewall” against the party that is under observation by the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, German’s domestic intelligence agency on suspicion of right-wing extremism.

Whereas the political establishment views the AfD as a fringe element and anathema, its success is yet another example of a wave of successes by right-wing parties that has been spreading across Europe.

In Germany, as in other countries, the principal drivers of right-wing party success have been voters’ discontent with their governments’ failure to curb large-scale immigration and economic stagnation. Voter discontent with the handling of the Covid-19 pandemic and diversion of resources to support Ukraine have also played a part. Aversion to progressive action on climate change is a hallmark of most of the far-right parties.

In September last year, an article on the International Bar Association website ibanet.org noted that “Seven EU Member States — Croatia, the Czech Republic, Finland, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands and Slovakia – now have far-right parties within government. A political party viewed as potentially ‘extremist’ by German authorities has won a state election in Germany. And far-right parties gave strong showings in the summer’s European Parliament elections, prompting a snap national vote in France, which risked National Rally (RN) gaining power.”

These developments have long-term implications for consistency in policy at the EU level. European leaders and academics have raised concerns about the implications for the rule of law, human rights, and fundamental freedoms that the rise of far-right parties entail across Europe and for the EU’s standing as a moral force on these in the world.

The AfD’s showing in the national election has raised alarms across Germany and Europe as did its win of almost one-third of the votes in a local election in the state of Thuringia in eastern Germany last year and a strong showing in another election in the state of Saxony where it came in second.

The far-right parties in Germany and across Europe seem to be gaining traction with younger voters and this is more cause for concern about the future of party politics in Europe. The same IBA article noted that “more than a third of those aged 18–24 voted for the AfD in Thuringia and Saxony” last September.

Unlike its German counterpart the AfD, Austria’s far-right Freedom Party so-called, has been a member of coalition governments in that country three times and has gained a somewhat normalized position. Last September, the Austrian far-right party won more votes that next two contending parties which, until then, had been the leaders in Austrian elections.

Writing for the Council on Foreign Relations, Liana Fix and Sophia Winograd note that the success of the right-wing parties in Austria and Germany “could have a destabilizing effect on domestic politics, as well as normalize anti-migrant and Euroskeptic viewpoints in European politics. Mainstream parties are seeking new coalitions to keep radical parties out of power, but European Union migration policy is already moving toward tighter border measures throughout the region as well as an increase in deportation of asylum seekers. The changes also signal possible tougher debates on aid for Ukraine.”

The far-right parties are supported by voters angry with economic stagnation and what they perceive as loose policies towards large numbers of immigrants, asylum seekers and refugees. They resent the diversion of resources to Ukraine and espouse anti-Islamic views mostly on account of violence perpetrated in the name of that religion rather than any general antipathy to individual Muslims. Indeed, the notion that immigrants take jobs from the local populace is countered by the fact that immigrants are hired because they work for lower wages or just simply work harder than native workers. But this is not to say that there is not a significant element of xenophobia at work.

At a broader policy level for the EU as a whole, this rightward shift has become evident in a more hardline approach to immigration on border enforcement and deportation of those denied asylum.

Thus, in April 2024, after ten years of negotiations, the European Parliament has approved a major reform of migration and asylum rules.

The reforms are aimed at handling the asylum process with greater alacrity and to speed the dispatch of unsuccessful migrant asylum seekers to their countries of origin.

The reforms have evoked protests from some member countries since they require all EU member states to share the burden of taking in asylum seekers. The BBC reported that last year some 380,000 people were known to have illegally crossed the EU’s borders. This was the highest number since 2016.

The so-called “frontline” countries, such as Italy, Greece and Spain, which see large numbers of migrants coming by sea and land, will get some relief as the other countries will be required to share the burden by taking a share of migrants, or contributing to the costs that the frontline countries bear.

In the US, far-right elements have taken control of the Republican Party and the concerns raised follow the same pattern: xenophobia, demands for tighter border enforcement, rapid deportation, and resentment about job losses to China and massive trade deficits with China, Europe, Canada and Mexican.

Britain’s exit from the EU, or Brexit as it came to be known was motivated by similar concerns: rejection of the idea that people from all over the EU could freely migrate to Britain, and resentment about being governed by liberal elites in Brussels.

The challenge for Germany, France, and indeed all EU countries, as well as for Britain is how to navigate the waters in this changed climate. First, there is the obvious need for Europe and Britain to make strides in providing for their own security and defense without counting on the US as a backstop. Then there is the prospect of trade wars if the Trump administration goes ahead with the imposition of tariffs. Finally, there are two other major problems: ensuring that Europe’s energy needs are met over the long haul, and of surviving economic competition with China.

The political turmoil at home in European nations does not make handling of any of these problems easier.

Cheerz…
Bwana

Mauritius Times ePaper Friday 28 February 2025