A Legacy of Influence: The Historical Intertwining of Religion and Politics in Mauritius

Bringing about a separation between state and religion is likely to be wishful thinking, as this connection is deeply embedded in our society

By Sada Reddi

A significant number of Mauritians are often outraged at the pernicious connection between politicians and religious organisations. The profound historical roots of this connection, and its enduring impact on the country’s political structure, are often overlooked. Bringing about a separation between state and religion is likely to be wishful thinking, as this connection is deeply embedded in our society, particularly in a world experiencing a decline in traditional ideologies and a resurgence of ethno-religious nationalism.

Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam and Hon Sunassee participating in the Maha Shivratree procession in Port Louis alongside socio-religious leaders in 1976

We often hear about religious organisations lobbying government both openly and discreetly. Some organisations are described as religious organisations, while others are contemptuously regarded as “socio-religious organisations”, to give more legitimacy and a higher status and ranking to a few bodies over others when all these organisations are simply religious ones, including NGOs which mask their religious orientation under secular names. Admittedly, religious entities vary in their structure according to their respective religious traditions but fulfill almost the same functions.

It is well to remember that religious pluralism dates from the French colonial period. Despite Catholicism being the official religion of the French East India Company and later the French government, Indians are known to have retained their religions despite many limitations in their religious practices. Tamils had their religious organisation suppressed by the colonial state and replaced by a syndic de Malabar with a Catholic as head on the ground that the Tamil organisation was functioning as a state within a state. Later, Tamils and Muslims were given a plot of land for setting up places of worship, while Muslims were allocated a land on which a mosque already existed. The Indian Catholics too had a chapel which later became the St. Francois Church in the Camp de Malabar.

With the British takeover in 1810, the inhabitants were guaranteed their laws, religion, and customs, and a thousand Indians signed the capitulation treaty which safeguarded the religious pluralism of the colony. British conquest also meant control of the Catholic Church. The government continued to pay for the upkeep of the Church and paid the priests’ salaries and recruited priests from Ireland for the Church. The Anglican Church was also established to become the established Church.

The close connection between the state and the established Churches was strengthened when the British decided to disseminate education in Mauritius. In the absence of state provision of education in England, Governor Farquhar encouraged the Presbyterian Reverend Lebrun to set up schools for the coloured population and slaves and later for ex-apprentices. The Governor’s sponsorship of non-conformist churches, followed by a grant for the education of apprentices, provoked a response from the established churches against Lebrun and intensified the conflict between the Catholic and Anglican churches over control of education, as both established their own schools with financial support from the government.

Education, language, and the medium of instruction as well as religious education became the battleground for control of the masses. When Governor Higginson proposed providing education in the vernacular for Indians, he faced significant opposition, and eventually, the few vernacular schools were closed. Government schools continued to offer education in English and French, and in some schools, Hindustani and Tamil. However, for a hundred years, Indians shied away from these schools, which they considered as engines for proselytisation and stuck to their own schools in their villages and estates where they could afford it. Only a minority of Indians attended government schools, mostly children of sirdars, job contractors, and merchants. Indian merchants set up their own schools to preserve their language and religions.

Towards the end of the nineteenth century, Indians began to develop an interest in politics, and this interest was amplified with the coming of Mohandas Gandhi and Manilal Doctor and the Indian centenary celebration of 1935 but also with the proliferation of hundreds of Indian religious organisations. For example, in the 1930s there were about 270 Arya Samaj branches and in Triolet alone there were 9 branches. It is not surprising that the mobilisation of the masses by the Mauritius Labour Party in the 51 meetings between 1936 and 1937 benefitted from the support of Pandit Sahadeo, an ardent Samajist who translated Curé’s speeches for rural audiences.

In the 1920s and earlier anyone interested in standing as a candidate would contact important persons who were also members of religious organisations in the district. My own grandfather, a labourer turned landowner and job contractor, was visited regularly by the Raffrays and Dunputh Lallah during the elections in the 1930s. Both white and coloured candidates mobilised Indians for elections and important members of local religious organisations. Even Dr S. Ramgoolam, who was contemplating standing as a candidate in the elections in the late 1930s, had already established contact with Arya Samaj of Triolet. A picture in an Arya Samaj magazine shows Dr Ramgoolam and Bartholomee Ohsan at an Arya Samaj event, but elections were postponed because of the outbreak of war in 1939.

While the colonial government subsidized the Anglican and Catholic Churches, Sookdeo Bissoondyal raised the issue in the Council of Government, and as a result, a committee was set up under Jules Koenig. The committee recommended the extension of subsidies to all other denominations in the colony. It was to facilitate the disbursement of subsidies by the government that Indian religious organisations were encouraged to form central bodies. Several of these bodies were set up such as the Tamil Federation, Sanatan Dharma Federation, and others.

The centralization of religious organizations, including Christian churches, enabled the government and politicians to utilize them as intermediaries with the population. The relationships established between the state and these centralized religious organizations provided vital communication channels. Religious leaders, government officials, and politicians engaged in both official and unofficial meetings at significant religious and state events, fostering opportunities to share concerns and discuss various issues.

In the 1970s, the MMM looked for alternative methods of mass mobilization, and instead of relying on religious organisations, set up its own regional branches and made use of trade union organisations. In the 1976 general elections, the MMM took into consideration the ethnic and jati profile of its candidates. However, most of these candidates were largely disconnected from religious organizations at both central and grassroots levels, which at that time maintained close ties with Labour politicians. By the 1980s, all mainstream parties had developed close relationships with all religious organisations, both during and after elections. These organisations continue to be powerful lobbies in promoting their interests.

To conclude, religious organisations and political parties are interdependent as Mauritian society is both a society of individuals and communities. There are at present more than 1000 religious organizations covering the whole of Mauritius and the majority of the electorate are members of these organizations and their NGOs, even if some use secular names to benefit from financial aid from government and corporate bodies. Politicians find it difficult to ignore them at election times and during their mandates. A recent example is the movement claiming back land for a Tamil cultural centre. Other negotiations take place discreetly and one can sympathize with those who argue on the basis of abstract reason for a separation of religion and politics in Mauritius.

In conclusion, religious organisations and political parties exhibit interdependence in Mauritius, a society comprised both individuals and communities. Currently, over 1,000 religious organisations span the entirety of Mauritius, and a majority of the electorate are members of these organisations and their affiliated NGOs, even if some adopt secular names to access financial aid from the government and corporate entities.

Consequently, politicians find it challenging to disregard these organisations during election periods and throughout their terms in office. A recent illustration of this dynamic is the movement advocating for the return of land for setting up a Tamil cultural centre. While other negotiations proceed discreetly, one can understand the perspective of those who argue for a separation of religion and politics in Mauritius based on abstract reasoning.

Mauritius Times ePaper Friday 2 May 2025