Sada Reddi: “Change cannot be left solely to politicians”

A Historian’s Perspective

‘It will only come about if the population and all social groups maintain pressure for reform”

* ‘Our Constitution embodies major democratic principles, but what has been wrong so far is that our elites have betrayed these principles’

* ‘If the electorate wants to be spoon-fed all the time, then one cannot blame the parties for being authoritarian’

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As we celebrate the 70th anniversary of the Mauritius Times, we have a unique opportunity to reflect on the paper’s pivotal role in the evolution of Mauritius over the past seven decades. Examining such an extensive and complex history in a single interview is no small task. To explore how the Mauritius Times has influenced political understanding, shaped historical moments, and impacted the current state of affairs in Mauritius, we turn to Associate Professor Sadasivam Reddi. Having witnessed and engaged with both the press and political developments over many years, Professor Reddi, who has retired from the University of Mauritius, offers valuable insights into the paper’s impact and its broader implications for Mauritian society.

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Mauritius Times: Examining the evolution of Mauritius over the past 70 years can be quite complex within the scope of a single interview. However, given that this interview coincides with the 70th anniversary of the Mauritius Times, we’re interested in understanding the role of the press in shaping political education. How has the Mauritius Times, along with the broader media landscape, influenced your understanding and perspectives on Mauritian politics?

Sada Reddi: My initial encounter with the press began with Advance, a newspaper delivered by the postman after working hours. Later, my parents subscribed to both Advance and Mauritius Times, which I would collect regularly. Every Friday, I would pick up both newspapers from the Ramdayan brothers’ barbershop in Mahebourg.

After collecting the newspapers, I would walk as slowly as possible through the empty streets, reading as much as I could in the limited time available or skimming through the most important items before reaching home. Once home, I would hand over the newspapers to my father and would only get them the following day if I still found them worthwhile.

I don’t recall what I read, but the political features were my favourites, as attending political meetings was one of my favourite pastimes. What I remembered most in a copy of the Times in those early days was the cartoon depicting a fox on the back of a bearded goat leaving the well and abandoning its friend. At that time, I knew it was a reference to Jules Koenig abandoning Abdool Razack Mohamed, his erstwhile political partner, but not the political event that eventually led to their separation.

Another copy of the Times that left an indelible imprint on my mind was the photo of all the members of the Labour Party and CAM alliance who were elected in the 1959 elections. Some of these photos are still clear in my mind, such as the fresh, plump, and round figures of politicians like Walter, Jagatsingh, or Delaitre and a few others.

It was only later, while studying history, that I came across a heated debate on proportional representation that had taken place a few years earlier. Ramgoolam, Seeneevassen, and Dr Millien had reluctantly agreed to the proposal, confident in their ability to manage the new system. Crucially, if implemented, it would have led to their appointment as ministers — a significant victory for the Mauritius Labour Party (MLP).

* There was notable opposition to Proportional Representation both within the MLP and from the Mauritius Times. Can you elaborate on how this opposition unfolded and its impact on the political landscape at the time?

Indeed, the Mauritius Times was often described by the British colonial authorities as part of the “radical wing” of the MLP, as noted in the dispatches exchanged between the then Governor and the Colonial Office. This label was largely due to its strong opposition to proportional representation, a stance taken by figures like Ramlallah and Jagatsingh who feared it might promote communalism. They were most likely concerned that its implementation would balkanize the Indian community and the Mauritian community.

The moderates of the MLP, finding the tide against them, changed tack and took over the crusade against proportional representation, with Seeneevassen taking the lead. After the victory of Dr Willy Dupre in the municipal by-election over Alex Bhujoharry, the colonial government backed down on proportional representation. In fact, I remember well that election. My uncle, a taxi driver who used to transport Seeneevassen and Rozemont, had painted his car a vibrant red for the election. He came to pick up my mother at Caudan Street, where we were living at the time, so she could vote. Later, my mother told me that she had to read from a newspaper before casting her vote.

At the London conference of 1956, proportional representation was abandoned, and an electoral commission was set up, chaired by Sir Malcolm Trustam-Eve. The Commission accepted the proposals of the Labour Party. Ironically, the 40 single-member constituencies unexpectedly deepened divisions on the road towards further balkanization.

* What other significant issues or battles do you recall where the Mauritius Times played a leading role and had a notable impact on Mauritian society and politics?

From 1960 to the granting of independence in 1968, Mauritius Times was at the forefront of leading debates on independence. The newspaper advocated for further constitutional reforms along progressive lines and addressed critical issues of the time. These included promoting educational access for all Mauritian children through its “Admit Our Children” campaign, tackling overpopulation and unemployment, and supporting family planning with a vigorous campaign in favour of birth control. The paper was the only one advocating birth control and family planning, despite it being a sensitive issue at that time. Not only did columnists discuss a wide range of controversial issues and engage in debates with other prominent journalists of the time, but they also extended the battle into the Legislative Council.

Beekrumsing Ramlallah, the founder-editor of Mauritius Times, and also a member of the Legislative Council, raised the issue of the unequal distribution of revenue from molasses between small planters and sugar millers. As a result, a commission of inquiry by Professor Dr T. Balogh and C.J.M. Bennett was established to review the problem. This Commission recommended the setting up of an Economic Planning Board to implement the Meade (“The Economic and Social Structure of Mauritius”) and Titmuss Richard M. et Abel-Smith Brian (“The Economic and Social Structure of Mauritius”) Reports. This recommendation eventually led to the establishment of the Ministry of Economic Planning and Development.

* During this period, the seminal works of Professors Titmuss and Meade offered a blueprint for economic and social progress, influencing the foundation of Mauritius’s future economic success and the establishment of the Welfare State. How were these works debated in the press and in the columns of Mauritius Times? What do you recall about the discussions surrounding their impact?

All the national debates of the time were ardently discussed in the columns of the Times, with its team of prominent contributors such as Beekrumsing Ramlallah himself, supported by Kher Jagatsingh, Somduth Bhuckory, Hossenjee Edoo in later years, Doojendranath Napal, Jean-Georges Prosper, and Peter Ibbotson. The London Constitutional Conference of 1961, the 1963 general elections, the 1965 Lancaster Conference, and finally the August 1967 elections, which led to the independence of Mauritius, occupied the numerous columns of Mauritius Times during those years. Alongside L’Express and Advance, Mauritius Times threw itself into the relentless battle for independence.

* Taking up these battles in those days and thereafter were not without pitfalls. There was initially press censorship and in later years the freedom of the press came under threat. How did these obstacles affect the work of the press and its ability to address critical issues?

After independence, in the wake of the harrowing 1968 ethnic riots and the subsequent emergency period, newspapers faced severe censorship. I was not in Mauritius at that time but was kept informed by newspapers sent by my cousin. I am aware that the Times was not spared. I recall that the editor mentioned that the newspaper, like other publications, was required to submit its articles and a pre-print copy of the paper to the police at the Line Barracks for vetting before it goes to final print. This process was a significant source of frustration for editors, journalists, and the public alike.

Despite numerous obstacles, they remained steadfast in their commitment to upholding freedom of speech and protecting democracy as much as possible. As the saying goes, “the price of freedom is eternal vigilance,” and this principle guided newspapers through challenging times.

I should also note that during this period of economic development, the newspaper maintained a critical stance towards progress. It supported and criticized various aspects of development, consistently raising issues that were often overlooked. The paper played an active role in shaping public opinion by expressing its views candidly and addressing concerns that had been neglected.

In 1984, a new threat to press freedom emerged with the Newspapers and Periodicals (Amendment) Bill, which imposed a security deposit of Rs 500,000 for any debt or liability incurred by printers and publishers. To defend press freedom, a press committee was formed, led by Beekrumsing Ramlallah, and included other prominent editors such as Dr Philippe Forget, Jean-Claude de L’Estrac, Lindsay Riviere, and Kher Jagatsingh. The committee organized a protest, during which 44 journalists were arrested for staging a sit-in in front of Government House. Ultimately, the government capitulated, the provisions regarding the security deposit were abandoned, and the charges against the 44 journalists were dropped.

* What is your objective assessment of whether the newspaper has fulfilled its mission?

Capturing the dynamism of Mauritius Times in its early years may be challenging. However, it is clear that the newspaper played a prominent role in the battle for emancipation during the pre-independence period. It’s hard to envision how these struggles would have been waged and won without Mauritius Times leading many of these battles.

Reflecting on its early years, J.N. Roy wrote in his book Mauritius in Transition (1960) that “it was too early to conjecture the part it is destined to play.” He observed that while the paper identified itself as independent, it had a broadly socialist slant. But looking back, it is clear that Mauritius Times has largely succeeded in fulfilling its mission and has become an integral part of Mauritian identity. On its 70th birthday, we have to be thankful to the pioneers who launched this venture and to the many collaborators and readers who supported the paper over the years.

Even in later years, the paper continued to make a significant impact. By the 1980s and 1990s, its popularity was unmistakable. Known for its incisive analysis, diverse perspectives, strong opinions, and insightful interviews with decision-makers and influential public figures, Mauritius Times became a staple broadsheet, published weekly and eagerly anticipated by its readers. Its in-depth articles on current issues, especially politics, not only enlightened its readers but also played a significant role in shaping public opinion and decision-making. The newspaper played a crucial role in debunking myths, explaining and challenging policies, and highlighting their impact on everyday life. This mission was vital in a plural society, where building consensus and fostering informed discourse were essential.

Despite facing numerous obstacles and challenges, including government boycotts due to its independent stance, Mauritius Times has continued to uphold the vision of its founder and has successfully weathered both calm and turbulent times, completing a remarkable 70-year journey. The challenge now is to continually reinvent itself to stay relevant and remain a key player in our national conversations.

* Let’s shift to the present. The country faces numerous challenges, including issues with governance, law and order, a rising cost of living, and diminishing opportunities for the youth, prompting many qualified Mauritians to seek opportunities abroad. There are also concerns about the economic model, particularly the increasing reliance on real estate development for foreign direct investment (FDI). Given this array of concerns, some argue that only political change can effectively address these issues. What are your thoughts on this perspective?

For any impartial observer, the past ten years have been a horribilis period in our history, and the problems you’ve mentioned have adversely affected the lives of all Mauritians. Today, we all feel the growing insecurity both at home and on the streets, at night and in broad daylight. Inflation is silently gnawing at our wallets, and for senior citizens, it has reduced the purchasing power of their savings.

Land prices have made home ownership an elusive dream for the middle and lower classes. Imagine a plot of land that cost Rs 21,000 a toise four years ago is now being offered at Rs 49,000 a toise. It is not surprising that many people and young professionals find it worthwhile to emigrate or seek overseas jobs. It is the country that suffers, and the quality of services has deteriorated. For example, in the hospitality sector, no foreign worker can replace the inherent quality of Mauritian hospitality and our multicultural resourcefulness.

Several economists have argued that we need a new model of development and cannot rely solely on property development for FDI. Although I am not comfortable with the need to find a model per se, we definitely need to balance our economy by giving other sectors important consideration and being practical, as we have done throughout our post-colonial history, by adding new pillars to the economy, which we have not done in the last decade. Worse, most of the existing sectors are in decline, and it seems that illicit drugs have become a major sector of the informal economy, with catastrophic and tragic consequences for our population.

To halt this decline, political change is essential, but it must be accompanied by widespread public mobilization to ensure that a new vision is effectively implemented. Change cannot be left solely to politicians; it will only come about if the population and all social groups maintain pressure for reform both during elections and beyond.

* Additionally, while there may be gaps or deficiencies in the 1968 Constitution and it may not fully reflect contemporary societal changes, values, or evolving needs, the fundamental principles of our Constitution, the structure of government, and the distribution of powers within the State have generally not faced criticism. Instead, the focus has often been on the authority held by individuals within the government and institutions. If there is a lack of political will, discussions on constitutional reform may remain theoretical, with no tangible progress or implementation.

It is true that our Constitution embodies major democratic principles, but what has been wrong so far is that our elites have betrayed these principles and paid lip service to them. Over the years, a number of provisions have been amended — some good and others bad — and it is well known which are the bad ones, and these need to be remedied.

Although I am quite skeptical about adopting a new Constitution, certain reforms are necessary to strengthen our democracy and promote equity and social justice. For instance, we need to establish a fixed date for municipal elections, incorporate additional human and other rights into our Constitution, restore the independence of civil servants and institutions currently paralyzed by fear and undue political influence, and rebuild public trust in our police force.

While many more reforms are needed, the most crucial aspect is that the public must be consulted on these changes and that they be implemented effectively and efficiently

* In this context, consider the prolonged durations it takes for electoral petitions to be resolved, for alleged corruption or money-laundering cases to be investigated by the ICAC, or for high-profile or politically sensitive crime cases to be resolved. These delays suggest that the influence of those in authority may overshadow the effectiveness of the system or even a modern Constitution. Wouldn’t you agree?

There is a strong perception among the public that justice is being delayed due to what is perceived as political reasons. Often, perception aligns closely with reality. If this sense of unfairness persists, it could undermine social cohesion and erode the legitimacy of our institutions, which is essential for gaining public trust.

Several high-profile cases have exposed the shortcomings of our institutions, and those responsible for these injustices bear significant blame for the current state of affairs. It is crucial that these issues of injustice are addressed promptly for the benefit of everyone.

* Ultimately, meaningful change will not occur unless the right individuals, both men and women, are chosen to lead political parties and are elected to power. There remains a pressing need for the democratization of political parties to ensure effective and representative leadership. What is your perspective on this issue?

We have always pointed out in the columns of this paper and elsewhere that our political parties are authoritarian in structure and revolve around certain personalities. A simple test, for example, is that most of them have not considered it necessary to register with the Registrar of Associations, whereas most trade unions, NGOs, and religious associations have. As a result, people who represent the parties in elections are chosen by the leadership and a small circle of collaborators.

Nevertheless, there is some pressure from below to choose candidates, which explains why party leaders find it a major headache to finalize a list of candidates. It would not be so if regional organizations were given a formal role in the choice of candidates, provided the regional organizations are themselves representatives of their constituencies and are democratically elected. At the moment, both at the national and regional levels, this is not the case.

That said, the public and the electorate are also to be blamed for this state of affairs, as they remain passive and leave decisions at the local and national levels to a few power brokers. To be active means investing time and resources and contributing to conversations at local and national levels. If the electorate wants to be spoon-fed all the time, then one cannot blame the parties for being authoritarian.

* Over the last 70 years, our country has undergone remarkable transformations across various domains — political, economic, social, and beyond. As a historian who has witnessed and studied these shifts, what key lessons have you gleaned from these changes, and how might these insights guide us in shaping our future?

In my first history lecture as an undergraduate, a medieval historian issued a warning: if you believe that history can provide clear-cut lessons, you should consider re-registering. Nevertheless, while history may not offer definitive lessons, it does help develop critical thinking and provides perspective on the past. From this perspective, we can extract valuable insights, even though the context and actors may differ.”

Over the past 70 years, we can briefly summarize both achievements and shortcomings. During the 1950s, the post-war boom led to a temporary improvement in material conditions, partly due to the efforts of progressive politicians and trade unions, and there was notable progress in primary education. However, this period of advancement was soon overshadowed by challenges such as overpopulation, unemployment, and natural disasters, including Cyclones Alix and Carol. These cyclones not only caused physical destruction but also severely damaged the social fabric of the country.

We owe a lot to the progressive politicians of the time who addressed the overpopulation problem and launched the country on the path of industrialization with import-substitution industries while building a welfare state and pursuing constitutional development towards independence. These were solid achievements resulting from national cohesion and enlightened leadership.

After independence, despite the severe rioting in 1968, the country managed to restore its unity. Industrialization, which began in the 1970s, proved to be a significant success and flourished during the 1980s. This success was achieved because we chose a pragmatic approach and the right path for development. Although there were alternative economic strategies we decided not to pursue, the state did not collapse even through the challenging years of emergency rule. Political stability, the restoration of elections, and a focus on national interests have been key factors in the country’s economic progress.

One fundamental value guiding our progress has been a practical approach. We did not adhere to a fixed development model; instead, every decade we added a new pillar to our economy by building on emerging sectors. Unfortunately, we have not maintained this practice in the last decade. We must acknowledge that we neglected social development, failing to establish the necessary social infrastructure to support industrialization. This oversight has had long-term negative effects on young people born in the 1980s.

Many of our social issues, such as the rise in hard drug use, began in the 1980s when we let our guard down. Despite various efforts to address drug addiction, we still lack the expertise and resources needed to effectively tackle this problem, leading to tragic consequences for our youth.

Another important lesson is that democracy requires regular nurturing. Over the past decade, we have abandoned traditions of good governance, weakened parliamentary scrutiny, and allowed the government to become overly centralized. Policy-making has become fragmented, leading to many projects failing to meet their objectives. For example, road projects often improve traffic flow in one area only to exacerbate congestion in another. Additionally, fraud, corruption, and nepotism have become entrenched in public life. To reverse this decline, the public must actively engage in public life and support efforts to prepare for the future; without public involvement, meaningful progress will be difficult to achieve.

Another lesson is that democracy is a plant which needs regular watering. In the last decade, we have abandoned traditions of good governance, parliamentary scrutiny has been weakened, government is over-centralized, and policy-making is so fragmented that most projects fail to achieve the desired outcomes. One example is the various road projects, which increase traffic fluidity in one area only to worsen it in another. Moreover, fraud, corruption, and nepotism have become normalized aspects of our public life. To stop the rot, the public must actively intervene in public life to prepare for the future; without public support, little can be achieved.

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Mauritius Times ePaper Friday 16 August 2024