“There may be delays, but the electorate is watching closely and expects tangible results”

Interview with Sada Reddi, Historian: Reflections on the New Government and Mauritius’ Future

‘We all want wrongdoers to be held accountable, we all want to see those responsible for Kistnen’s murder brought to justice…’

* ‘ The Bhadain-Valayden and Bodha group could pose a formidable challenge to the Labour Party-MMM, especially if they fail to deliver or build a new, younger leadership’

* ‘For the last 300 years, we have lived peacefully in a plural society…
… it is the government’s responsibility to ensure that this continues in our society today and in the future’

The political landscape in Mauritius took a significant turn in November 2024 with the installation of a new government, following an overwhelming electoral victory. The nation now faces the challenge of transitioning from election promises to tangible actions. To shed light on these developments, we spoke with Sada Reddi, former academic at the University of Mauritius and historian with deep insights into the country’s political evolution and societal dynamics.

In this candid conversation, Sada Reddi offers his perspective on the government’s first steps, the public’s expectations for accountability, and the obstacles it faces in terms of resources and leadership. He also touches on the growing impatience among the electorate, the complexities of governance, and the long-term sustainability of the current political alliance. He also reflects on the broader implications of the election results and the ongoing debates surrounding key national issues such as the Chagos dispute.

Mauritius Times: A new government took office in November 2024, with 24 ministers appointed to lead the country’s affairs. Do you see tangible signs of positive change taking root, or does it remain largely rhetorical?

Sada Reddi: One cannot say that the government’s programme is merely rhetorical. It is based on the electoral manifesto presented before the elections, and most of its measures, as outlined in the Government programme presented by the President of the Republic, have been well thought out and agreed upon consensually by the four parties that constitute the government.

From what I gather from the media, the programme has been well received by the public. As many observers have noted, what matters most is its implementation. The government has already fulfilled some promises regarding salary payments, despite the widely acknowledged challenging conditions.

Moreover, ministers and junior ministers have been actively assessing the situation they inherited and have taken immediate measures to address urgent problems. This demonstrates the determination of the Prime Minister and his government.

* There is, nevertheless, a growing sense of impatience among the public to witness tangible changes and, more importantly, to see those believed to have been involved in wrongdoings — such as fraud, corruption, or even murder — held accountable. While the police and other investigative bodies undoubtedly have a heavy workload, the public understandably seeks assurance that the promise of “rupture” will not remain an empty word, and that justice will be served in a timely

I agree. Everyone is eager to see immediate changes following these historic elections. This impatience is both legitimate and natural, but people also understand that the government must follow due processes, abide by legal principles, and ensure that the rule of law prevails. Additionally, every government must also grapple with bureaucratic challenges. As the Government Programme highlights, the workload ahead is immense, especially given that the resources of the state were not just severely mismanaged but, one could say, outright plundered by the previous regime, affecting almost every major institution.

A simple example is the Rs 200 million budget deficit at the University of Mauritius, a situation mirrored across many debt-ridden institutions. We all want wrongdoers to be held accountable, we all want to see those responsible for Kistnen’s murder brought to justice, and we seek greater clarity on cases of alleged suicides. However, thorough investigations must be completed, and admissible evidence must be gathered before any legal action can be taken. Unfortunately, this process takes time for various reasons — but not due to any lack of determination or goodwill on the government’s part.

There may be delays, but the electorate is watching closely and expects tangible results, as you rightly point out.

* The 24 ministers will be supported by junior ministers and civil service cadres. Additionally, some senior and retired civil servants, as well as private sector professionals, have been inducted. What does this signify to you? Do you see a strong determination to deliver, backed by the right expertise and resources? Or does it also reflect a failure of past governments to establish a system that nurtures and promotes the best talent organically within the administration?

There are 24 ministers, supported by junior ministers and civil servants. I wish I had the time to examine the Government programme in depth to determine how many of the various measures fall under each ministry. Some measures are specific, while others are more general in nature, requiring additional work or even a blueprint for implementation. Certain laws were already drafted during the 2005-2010 period and now simply need to be updated.

As for civil servants, their quality and competence vary, which inevitably impacts implementation. At the PMO, we have seen the government rely on retired civil servants who have the experience and ability to deliver. Similarly, just as ministers play a crucial role, younger and more dynamic civil servants should also be given opportunities. While experience is valuable, the dynamism, innovation, and fresh perspectives of younger officials are equally essential in tackling the many challenges ahead.

* The Government Programme 2025-2029 is undoubtedly comprehensive in terms of the change the current administration seeks to bring to the country. However, it may be too ambitious given the financial and human resources available. What are your thoughts on this?

Financial resources are undeniably crucial. This is why the Government’s priority is to revive the economy, combat inflation, reduce debt, and stimulate economic growth — because without robust economic growth, little can be achieved. Efficiency and innovation must therefore be at the core of all ministries and institutions. Additionally, the wastage of scarce resources, which the Director of Audit regularly highlights, should be tackled at its source.

As for human resources, there is no shortage of young and dynamic professionals in various fields, but many of them remain unknown to the government. Before turning to the diaspora, we should first tap into the talent that already exists locally. However, identifying these professionals is a challenge, as they are often outside the limited circles of ministers and government officers.

The Government should take an approach similar to the Minister of Integration, who has invited expressions of interest — not for immediate appointments, but to create a register of professionals across different fields. When expertise is needed, candidates can then go through the proper appointment process. This is one of the most effective ways to maximize existing resources while also encouraging professionals from the diaspora to apply for positions where their expertise is required.

* Viewed from a distance, do you think the apparent chemistry at the top leadership level of the government alliance is sustainable in the long term — specifically, over the course of a five-year mandate? Could it also be a do-or-die situation for the leadership of both the PTr and MMM?

It is not merely wishful thinking; I believe there are several objective and subjective factors that will contribute to a durable collaboration between the Prime Minister and his Deputy.

At their age, they have acquired the experience and maturity needed to tackle any thorny issues that may arise. People do change with age; they are no longer the same individuals they were 20 or 30 years ago. They no longer harbour the same ambitions as in their younger years, and at this stage of their lives, they are likely focused on leaving a richer legacy for the country than they have in the past.

The formation of L’Alliance du Changement itself was a significant step in halting the country’s downward spiral, and the changes to come will help further consolidate our democracy and liberty. This represents their greatest achievement in the 21st century, and I do not foresee them wrecking this legacy. Despite their flaws, they remain steadfast in their belief in democracy and liberty.

* The preceding MSM-led government alliance, which secured the support of at least 27% of the electorate, remains cornered, likely waiting for the right moment to strike. Do you think they will be able to rise again and become a force to be reckoned with, or will the true opposition emerge from the Bhadain-Valayden-Bodha group?

I do not see the MSM government returning to power for a simple reason: its disastrous governance, totalitarian and sectarian tendencies, and policies have been etched in the minds in the minds of the people as the antithesis of democracy and liberty. The MSM government consciously led the country down a path marked by unprecedented corruption and nepotism.

Take, for example, Constituency No. 8. While there has been notable infrastructure development, and people have benefited from various allowances under the MSM government, the MSM misjudged the people’s deep attachment to liberty, democracy, and freedom from fear. This is why Pravind Jugnauth was defeated, with his share of votes dropping from 21,308 in 2019 to 17,582 in 2024. In contrast, the leading candidate from L’Alliance du Changement scored 25,821 votes.

Of the 8 percent increase in votes for L’Alliance du Changement compared to their combined votes in 2019, around 5 percent may reflect a swing from the MSM alliance, while approximately 3 percent could represent new and young voters. This trend is expected to grow in the coming years, as the memory of the MSM’s totalitarian practices becomes increasingly unappealing to future electorates.

The Bhadain-Valayden and Bodha group could pose a formidable challenge to the Mauritius Labour Party-MMM, especially if the Labour Party and MMM fail to deliver or build a new, younger leadership. However, the influence of this group is currently limited to a few urban constituencies, and it has yet to demonstrate the willingness or capacity to break out of its comfort zone.

* We have not heard, to date — three months later — any analysis from the defeated parties in the last elections, nor any reflection on the lessons that the political parties, including the victors, should be drawing from the election results. What is your take on what happened in the lead-up to the outcome on November 10, 2024?

It may be a difficult exercise for the defeated alliance, as in a totalitarian party, no one would blame the leadership or its inner circle, who must shoulder all the responsibility. As a result, the best course of action might be to avoid any analysis altogether. On the side of L’Alliance du Changement, they may not feel the need to conduct such an exercise, given their victory. They might leave it to political scientists or historians to analyze the events that led to the 2024 elections.

For me, the 2024 elections were unprecedented — not because of the results (as we’ve seen 60-zero results in the past), but due to the role and determination of the electorate to safeguard their liberty and democratic rights. Even as early as November 2023, just a year before the elections, some supporters of the MSM present at a wedding in the constituency of Rivière du Rempart privately expressed their opposition to a third mandate for the government, even though they did not make it a public declaration.

Similarly, in the South, a prospective candidate who had not yet secured a ticket organized a small dinner with potential agents. He was surprised to see a large crowd turning up in support of that party. He assured me at the time that if this level of mobilization was sustained, there would be a 60-zero result. Of course, I remained sceptical, despite everyone I met — high or low — saying they would vote against the government.

With the mobilization of L’Alliance du Changement, from Mare d’Albert to Rivière du Rempart, it became increasingly clear that the days of the MSM were numbered. Even those dissatisfied with the organization of the Labour Party-MMM alliance for the elections concluded that, despite the apparent disorganisation, victory would still come by default.

Undoubtedly, the blunders of the MSM were numerous and had alienated all sections of the population. The sensational “Moustass Leaks” merely confirmed what everyone had suspected. But, even without the leaks, which paralyzed the MSM alliance, victory for change had become inevitable — unless there was electoral fraud, which many people feared might occur.

The fear of fraud during the election, which I would compare — within limits — to the “Grande Peur” of the French Revolution, explains the memorable revolutionary fervour displayed by activists on the eve of the elections. Around 2 am, I watched live on Facebook as activists gathered outside a state college in Vacoas, suspecting irregularities within the school. A similar situation unfolded in Chemin Grenier, where activists mistakenly believed ballot papers were being transported in a blue car, prompting them to go to the police station to file a declaration.

At Beau Vallon, just minutes later, a similar event occurred. Activists managed to enter the school, inspect every room, check the red car belonging to the Ministry of Education, and even tried to get the security officer involved so they could inspect the premises further. At Duperre Government School in Mahébourg, an unprecedented scene took place when activists, in a show of commitment, insisted on body checks of the Mobile Force members, who complied politely before entering the school.

The level of commitment shown by the people to defend their rights during this general election is unprecedented and reflects the national mood to bring about a change of government through the ballot box.

* On the other hand, there may be a need for succession planning within the mainstream political parties, excluding the MSM, which is likely to remain a family-run party. Recently, there has been some activity within the MMM with Joanna Berenger gradually rising to the top; what about the Labour Party (PTr)?

All the main parties must plan for the emergence of their future leaders if they want to remain relevant. As the electorate continues to evolve, they will want to see new personalities rise through democratic processes, which is not yet the case. If parties fail to democratise at all levels, they risk being sidelined for a long time. The Labour party must not only elect its leader democratically but also democratise its structure, allowing for the infusion of new blood at all levels.

Regarding the structure of the Labour Party, very few people are familiar with its constitution, how to become a member, and the criteria for acceptance at different levels. If these procedures do not exist, the constitution must be reviewed. Most importantly, the grassroots organisation must reflect the electorate in all constituencies. Only through the democratisation of the party can a dynamic leadership and party be ensured.

A possible model could be the British Labour Party model, where members and candidates are screened by local party organisations rather than the informal and ad-hoc structures that seem to operate currently.

* The November 2024 election was called after the then-government reached a deal with the United Kingdom to resolve the Chagos dispute. We know what has happened since. Have we missed out on what, in the current geopolitical circumstances — especially in this part of the world — might be considered a reasonable opportunity, even if it did not come with full recognition of our sovereignty over the Archipelago?

Although I am no diplomat and have limited knowledge of diplomacy, I would refrain from answering a question on Chagos as this could be perceived as reflecting public opinion in Mauritius, especially since negotiations are still ongoing. In principle, diplomacy and negotiations should be carried out discreetly and not on public platforms. Any public declaration can impact the negotiation process, as it can be used as a bargaining tool.

I can only say that the government, supported by its team of lawyers and diplomats, has already submitted the terms and conditions under which it seeks to reach an agreement. It has been emphasized that this issue is not solely a matter of financial compensation but is about safeguarding our national interests for generations to come.

* What positive changes do you expect a 60-0 government elected with an absolute majority mandate to bring about in the lives of the people and the governance of the country?

My expectation is the same as that of every Mauritian: to have a decent standard of living and to live in a peaceful environment, with justice and social equity for all. We want a country where the rule of law is respected and where all our human rights — both old and new — are equally upheld. We are determined to rid the country of drugs, and we expect the government to allocate more resources to protect our population.

People should be provided with the means to engage in healthy pastimes and to practise more sports, starting from primary school. This is why I would have liked to see the revival of primary school football tournaments, as we had during my school days.

For the last three hundred years, we have lived peacefully in a plural society, where intercultural relations have always existed at the grassroots level. We have learned to appreciate and respect our differences, and it is the government’s responsibility to ensure that this continues in our society today and in the future.

Mauritius Times ePaper Friday 31 January 2025