“Ramgoolam and Berenger each have their own respective personalities and own respective style of politics”

Interview: Kugan Parapen, Rezistans ek Alternativ

‘What some may see as conflicting, others could see as complementary’

* ‘As long as everyone works in the interest of the people and the people ONLY, the Alliance du Changement can deliver sanzman’

* ‘As much as citizens voted to oust the previous regime, they also voted for an overhaul of our democratic model’

Just under a year ago, the Alliance du Changement swept into power following a landslide victory in the November 2024 elections, fuelling high expectations among voters who craved a shift toward greater transparency, tangible support against the rising cost of living, and a freer, more open society. In this week’s interview, Kugan Parapen of Rezistans ek Alternativ provides an insider’s view on the progress — from the “impressive” democratic improvements that have brought “freedom back to our shores” to the difficult, slow-moving work of steering the national economy, which he describes as an “ocean liner”. We also delve into the major controversies of the year, including the politically charged pension reform, the debates over the government’s fiscal choices, and the persistent challenges of maintaining unity within a broad and diverse coalition.

Mauritius Times: It has been just under a year since the Alliance du Changement (ADC) government assumed office after its landslide victory in the Nov. 2024 elections. How would you assess its track record so far particularly in terms of meeting the expectations of voters who were expecting such things like transparency in the running of the state, better support for the rising cost of living, a freer society? Do you think the government has lived up to those expectations?

Kugan Parapen: In early February, in this column, we said that the first 100 days in power of this government were probably the easiest of the mandate, and I believe that this assertion has proven to be absolutely correct.
As we now close in on the first year of the mandate, it is worthwhile reflecting on what has been achieved and what has not. The timing of the general elections and the presentation of the first budget of the Alliance du Changement (ADC) has effectively resulted in the new incumbent government starting to implement its programme nearly seven months after its sweeping victory from last November. So, while the ADC has assumed office for nearly a year, effective policy implementation has been triggered further down the line. And this could somewhat explain why some of the citizens of our Republic are growing impatient and want to see more from the government.

From a democratic perspective, the improvement has been impressive. And how could it be different? We were on the brink of dictatorship under Pravind Jugnauth’s regime. And only the most overzealous MSM supporters would argue otherwise. Freedom, howeverwe care to define it, has sailed back to our shores. Our press is able to openly criticise the government and the one mishap which happened with the arrest of journalist Jasodanand was openly criticised by various quarters of the ADC, including Rezistans ek Alternativ.

Those who wish to publicly oppose the policies adopted by the government can do so – as highlighted by the intervention of the Prime Minister to authorise the march organised by trade unions at the Champs de Mars in Port Louis.Supporters of a more progressive approach towards cannabis are allowed to organise marches without any fear of repression. As for the national broadcasting corporation, the MBC, the winds of change can be read and heard in the independent way in which they approach news items these days.

On the economic side, it is less clear-cut. The state of an economy does not rely solely on good intentions unfortunately. Fundamentals matter. And while a new management team at the head of a news corporation can deliver almost instant results, such is unfortunately not the case for an economy. An economy is not a speedboat to be swerved around abruptly but rather an ocean liner to be steered expertly. Bringing about structural reforms to our economy will take some time and one mandate is hardly enough.

But the ADC has the obligation to initiate the transition to a new economic model which will bring about more sustainability, less inequality and greater prosperity.

* One of the government’s early actions – the reform of the pension system – has so far not been well received by a large segment of the population. There appears to be no turning back on that decision, yet there is a widespread perception that the government has not sought to raise funds from high- income segments, large corporations, or highly profitable sectors. Shouldn’t it have gone to go get the money where it actually is?

Given the dire need for a comprehensive restructuring of government finances in light of the catastrophic legacy of the previous regime and the possible sovereign downgrade of the country, the budget exercise has left most with a bitter taste in their mouth – including the private sector.However, it is debatable as to who had to swallow the most bitter pill.

Before coming to this debate, it might be worthwhile to first assess the merits of a pension reform on its own. The necessity of a pension reform has been on the cards for nearly 20 years. It was common knowledge that some government would need to come forward with the dreaded reform at some point or the other. With the ageing population phenomenon, countries around the world have progressively raised the pension age eligibility over the last 10 years while Mauritius has stayed put. Concurrently, the quantum of the pension has been raised significantly, so much so that it is currently nearly as high as the minimum wage. There is unfortunately no free lunch when it comes to economic matters.

Over time, with the upward adjustment in the quantum and the inexorable increase in the number of senior citizens, the cost of the basic non-contributory pension (BRP) has snowballed into an incredible 25% of the recurrent expenditure of the government. This actually means that for every 100 rupees that the government spends, 25 rupees go towards the funding of the BRP. Which means that the 25 ministries operating under the aegis of the State of Mauritius only have to share the remaining 75 rupees among them. What happens when the contribution to the BRP rises to 30 rupees out of every 100 rupees? What are the implications for the quality of service that the State of Mauritius offers to its citizens with the remaining 70 rupees?

That said, I hear the main argument of those who oppose the pension reform – arguing that an increase in fiscal receipts would grow the budget and hence reduce the proportionality of the BRP with respect to the budget. That is a valid argument indeed. The present budget has partially addressed the fiscal imbalance that has existed in our economy for too many years – whereby the population has been asked to shoulder a disproportionate fiscal burden. The government has taken some bold measures to address this issue – by imposing more direct taxes on corporates, wealthy individuals and the real estate sector.

As highlighted in my budgetary speech in Parliament, based on budget estimates, the ratio between indirect taxes and direct taxes will rebalance over the course of the next few years. And that is something that Rezistans ek Alternativ has been campaigning for over the years. Moreover, in my speech, I also advocated against the temporary nature of the increase in direct taxes. This should absolutely not happen as it would recreate a situation whereby the population would have to shoulder the brunt of the fiscal effort again.

That said, we have to bear in mind that we are in a broad coalition government – the sort of which has never been witnessed in our Republic. Every party has their own economic philosophy and we have to respect that to some extent. We openly said that a Rezistans ek Alternativ government would have taxed even more those who are at the upper end of the social ladder. For example, we would find it totally justifiable to increase the marginal income tax rate on those earning more than 150,000 rupees monthly and remove some of the abusive taxes on the price structure of petroleum products. This would be a shrewd policy move.

* Do you personally think the government’s structural reform of the pension system constitutes a major political misstep, primarily due to poor communication and a lack of prior public consultation — all the more so since this move, though defended as fiscally necessary for long-term sustainability, created the largest trust deficit and political controversy of its first year?

No, I do not think the reform of the pension system was a major political misstep. We want responsible leadership as opposed to populism. This government is suffering from a crisis of expectations – expectations it itself created during the last electoral campaign. However, we also need to look at the context in which the stakes were raised. It was a context where the previous despotic regime was ready to promise anything to cling to power. Had the ADC not neutralised the promises of the Jugnauth gang, where would we be today? You must surely have heard of Sun Tzu’s famous quote: “An evil man will burn his own nation to the ground to rule over the ashes”.

Given the efforts being asked of the population, we had advocated, along with several other MPs, for some restraint with respect to the “train de vie de l’État”. We had proposed to review the perks for MPs and Ministers, and we could also include senior civil servants in this equation. This has unfortunately not materialised yet, but we remain hopeful that it will sooner rather than later.

* It could be argued, however, that the government did not collect the money where it actually is. If we were to link the government’s action on the Smart City Scheme (SCS) tax rollback to the unresolved issue of Independent Power Producer (IPP) contracts, we may see a pattern there — that of reviewing or rolling back measures that could affect the rich and powerful. That’s not what the people voted for, isn’t it?

The Smart City Scheme and the IPPs are two distinct issues, but we can understand why they are mentioned in the same sentence as they have more or less the same underlying beneficiaries.

Coming to the Smart City Scheme, it was rolled out under the MSM regime with an array of fiscal exonerations Donald Trump would have been jealous of. Rezistans ek Alternativ has relentlessly called them out as we see these smart cities as the foundation for a gentrification process in Mauritius. The budget measures were laudable in that they were meant to reverse the scandalous tax benefits currently being enjoyed by these smart cities. We were made to understand that reversing course on these tax benefits could be legally not in ordergiven the certificates already issued. Hence the grandfathering set-up whereby only existing SCS would retain their fiscal benefits while any new SCS would be subject to the new budgetary measures.

With respect to the issue of energy production, the status-quo approach of the current Leader of the Opposition, Hon Joe Lesjongard, in his previous role as the Minister of Energy means that any change to the energy production set-up cannot materialise in the present. Can the government terminate the contracts of the IPPs without any backup production? Given current consumption patterns, the production of the whole grid is hardly sufficient to meet demand.

Rezistans ek Alternativ would advocate for a phase-out of IPPs and the installation of replacement nationalised production plants. This is very unlikely to materialise in the short term. That said, smart cities have a contractual obligation to produce their own energy as far as possible. That is an avenue that must be explored and enforced more thoroughly as these smart cities do ask a lot of electricity grid in terms of consumption.

* This brings us to the points of disagreement expressed by the Deputy Prime Minister (and Minister without Portfolio) during his solo press conferences regarding the Ravatomanga affair and, earlier, the situation prevailing at Air Mauritius under the chairmanship of Kishore Beegoo. Paul Bérenger’s recent public comments have prompted political observers to question how long the ADC government can last — or, more precisely, how long Navin Ramgoolam will bear with Bérenger’s stance. What’s your reading of the situation within the governing alliance?

Ramgoolam and Berenger each have their own respective personalities and own respective style of politics. What some may see as conflicting, others could see as complementary.

As previously mentioned, there is a grand coalition at the head of the country and diverging opinions are inevitable. We personally believe that there is a need for dialogue within the different members of the coalition for it to thrive.

Rezistans ek Alternativ has always believed in collective intelligence. We view the numerous inter-ministerial committees as a positive initiative to use the collective intelligence of the cabinet to find solutions to pressing matters. Our society is in a reconstructive phase and it is primordial that stability prevails.

* There is also a perception that while the ADC government has shown decisiveness in advancing anti-corruption legislation, it has lagged behind on key institutional reforms — notably the Freedom of Information Act and electoral reform — which are essential to ensuring fairer representation, transparency, and alignment with voters’ choices, as well as greater accountability in political financing. Do you think this slower pace on institutional reform risks undermining the government’s credibility on good governance and Transparency?

We cannot talk of transition without addressing the structural flaws of our society and as you rightly said, the Freedom of Information Act and especially electoral reform are two pillars of the reform agenda.

The electoral agreement signed by Rezistans ek Alternativ with the members of the ADC clearly stipulated that the amendment to do away with the compulsory declaration of ethnic belonging for standing as candidate at general elections was to become a reality within the first six months. This has not been the case. We do understand that the priority of this government during its first year has mainly been an economic one, especially coming up with credible plans to avert a sovereign downgrade.

As we now embark on the second year of the mandate, it is imperative that the constitutional reform agenda spearheads government action. As much as citizens voted to oust the previous regime, they also voted for an overhaul of our democratic model.

* How does your Resistans ek Alternativ, which has often highlighted the need for participatory democracy, balance its grassroots activism and anti-establishment stance with the responsibilities of being part of a ruling alliance?

This is definitely a new chapter in the party’s journey. And as anything novel, it comes with its dose of excitement, apprenticeship, discovery and recalibration. Compared to the likes of the Labour Party and the MMM, Rezistans ek Alternativ is a relatively young party. The biggest challenge for members of the party has been to transition from being an extra-parliamentary force to being a partner in a government coalition which won a landslide at the elections. With new responsibilities come new challenges.

As we come to terms with this new reality, there has been a need to reimagine how the party operates and how it reconciles its roots with its current position. The recent forum-debat organised by Rezistans ek Alternativ on the future of drug policies in Mauritius is perhaps an example of how the party is reconciling its values and grassroots activism with its responsibilities of being part of a ruling alliance. This event was a reflection of our vision of participatory democracy. One whereby inclusive high quality debates are held and where each and every one can express themselves freely in a mutually respectful environment.

* A major challenge for the government will be maintaining the unity of its alliance partners, especially the two main ones, which have a history of both collaboration and rivalry. The effective implementation of their key promises, particularly in addressing the cost of living and institutional integrity, will be critical in demonstrating their ability to govern cohesively and deliver on the expectations of the electorate. Are you optimistic about the ADC’s chances of success?

I believe that the ADC has the capacity to launch the necessary transition the country badly needs to bring about a new era for our society. As long as everyone works in the interest of the people and the people ONLY, the Alliance du Changement can deliver “sanzman”.

Mauritius Times ePaper Friday 7 November 2025