Imperative for Police Reform in Mauritius

Editorial

Law and order is the bedrock of a stable and prosperous society. It is a social contract that citizens enter into, trusting that the institutions of the state, particularly the police, will protect them, uphold the rule of law, and dispense justice impartially. For too long in Mauritius, this crucial element has been eroded by a series of controversies that have placed the police force in the spotlight for all the wrong reasons. From allegations of “punitive transfers” for officers who dared to hold the politically connected accountable, to the hounding of activists and NGOs, and the unsettling presence of “rogue elements,” the facts speak for themselves. The police force has, over the last decade, attracted a negative public perception that threatens to unravel the very fabric of our democracy.

The public’s faith in law enforcement has been further strained by the perceived “instrumentalisation” of certain units, such as the now-notorious Police Headquarters Special Striking Team, to pursue political opponents. Conversely, there is a perception of ineffectiveness when it comes to resolving criminal cases that might embarrass prominent figures or those in their inner circles. The yet unresolved murder case of political activist Soopramanien Kistnen stands as a stark and painful reminder of this. These issues, while serious, have been compounded by the latest storm to hit the force: the issue of reward money.

Recent parliamentary questions and the unfolding investigations by the Financial Crimes Commission (FCC) have cast a glaring spotlight on a system that was ostensibly designed to be a potent weapon in the fight against dangerous drugs. The concept of reward money itself isn’t inherently flawed; it is intended to incentivize crucial intelligence gathering and foster a network of informers vital for operational success. The Prime Minister’s reply to parliamentary questions indicates that such funds are meant to be paid based on factors like the nature of the case, the quantity of drugs seized, the risk involved, and the reliability of informers. However, the data provided for the past five financial years suggests a dramatic deviation from this intended purpose.

A clear disparity has emerged in the disbursement of reward money, raising serious questions about its purpose and oversight. While police officers received consistent but modest payments from 2020/2021 to 2022/2023, these payments abruptly stopped in the years that followed. In stark contrast, the funds allocated to informers surged dramatically, from Rs 1.1 million in 2020/2021 to a colossal Rs 84.6 million in 2023/2024 and Rs 56 million in 2024/2025. This escalation is particularly alarming given the timing: Rs 50.1 million was disbursed to informers in just September and October 2024, a period immediately preceding a general election. This profound and sudden increase begs a critical question: was this a legitimate operational necessity, or a politically motivated use of public funds? This anomaly demands a thorough, impartial investigation that extends far beyond the scope of internal audits.

Further compounding these concerns, the Prime Minister’s reply revealed that the disbursed amounts often exceeded the budgeted allocation. It calls into question the role and effectiveness of the Police Force’s Financial Operations and Internal Control Unit. The current situation is simply untenable. The ongoing FCC inquiry is not merely warranted; it is an absolute necessity to restore public trust and establish a clear line of accountability.

However, we must also acknowledge that despite these recurrent criticisms and the presence of rogue elements, the Mauritius Police Force has, on the whole, played a beneficial role in maintaining law and order. The vigilance and combined efforts of the police have resulted in significant drug hauls and arrests. Yet, the emergence of new, cheaply available synthetic drugs across the island gives the impression that the situation is getting out of hand, a concern previously highlighted by the Lam Shang Leen Commission of Inquiry which went so far as to recommend the disbanding of the anti-drug unit – the ADSU.

This crisis presents a critical opportunity for a comprehensive and systemic police reform that goes to the heart of the institution. A superficial fix, such as firing a few corrupt officers, will not suffice. What is needed is a fundamental overhaul of the police force’s governance and accountability mechanisms. We must return to the core tenet of policing: that it is meant for the protection of the citizen, not as a coercive instrument at the beck and call of politicians. The Commissioner of Police’s post is constitutionally guaranteed for this very reason, so that the holder can perform their duties in full autonomy. The current Commissioner of Police, Mr Rampersad Sooroojbally, appears to be the right man for the job, having accepted a permanent posting which empowers him to ensure that the Constitution prevails over all other considerations.

In light of the deep-seated issues that have come to light, a decisive course of action should be considered: the institution of a Presidential Commission on the lines of the Mackay Commission. This would go beyond investigating petty complaints and instead look into the effectiveness of the police in fighting crime, the input of modern technological means for that purpose, the training of officers in policing duties and ethics, and the implementation of community policing models. Such a commission could provide a comprehensive roadmap for reform, drawing on successful international examples while tailoring them to the specific Mauritian context.

International experiences in police reform offer valuable lessons. In countries like Australia, external oversight bodies like the Law Enforcement Conduct Commission (LECC) were established in the wake of corruption scandals to provide an independent layer of scrutiny. Similarly, in the UK, the introduction of elected Police and Crime Commissioners (PCCs) and national bodies like the Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC) aimed to enhance local and independent accountability. These examples, however, also serve as cautionary tales. Reforms must be systemic, not superficial. The effectiveness of PCCs has been debated due to low voter turnout, and the complaints system in the UK still faces widespread dissatisfaction. This highlights a crucial lesson: police reform is a journey, not a destination.

Ultimately, the stability and progress of Mauritius rest on the key pillars of its governance. The police force should be among the strongest of these pillars, but its foundation has been weakened. The current scandal, far from being a singular event, is the latest symptom of a deeper malaise. This is a moment for decisive action and a commitment to genuine reform. Only through transparency, stringent accountability, and a renewed focus on integrity can the police force regain the trust it so desperately needs to effectively combat crime and serve the Mauritian people. The government, and the new Commissioner of Police, have a historic opportunity to demonstrate that the rule of law is not a slogan but an unwavering principle that governs the nation.

Mauritius Times ePaper Friday 1 August 2025