{"id":28327,"date":"2020-08-21T07:46:38","date_gmt":"2020-08-21T03:46:38","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.mauritiustimes.com\/mt\/?p=28327"},"modified":"2020-08-21T07:48:44","modified_gmt":"2020-08-21T03:48:44","slug":"fixing-the-illiberal-democracy-that-is-mauritius","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.mauritiustimes.com\/mt\/fixing-the-illiberal-democracy-that-is-mauritius\/","title":{"rendered":"Fixing the illiberal democracy that is Mauritius"},"content":{"rendered":"

Mauritius also does not need a system where an unpopular monarch is replaced by another strongman with quasi absolute powers<\/em><\/span><\/h4>\n

By Sameer Sharma<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Aristotle\u2019s favoured form of government was the rule by the best over the rest, an aristocracy based on merit rather than blood. The philosopher even thought that a good monarchy was better than a democracy.\u00a0Aristotle\u2019s key objection to democracy was that it undermined the rule of law.\u00a0To say that a state is democratic is to say little about how it is actually governed.\u00a0A functioning state requires that everything is governed by laws. Without this there is nothing to stop those who hold the most power doing what they want and tyrannising everyone else.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/span>Respect my vote. Photo – www.newmandala.org<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Coming back to more recent times, back in the mid-1990s, many thought that new democracies would invariably turn liberal over time. It is today generally accepted by political scientists that democracies may follow different paths and may turn up as liberal or illiberal.\u00a0What we call liberal\u00a0democracies have traditionally accepted the need for the rule of law\u00a0and other forms of checks and balances\u00a0to stand between the expression of popular will and its implementation. In the contemporary west, the rule of law is a core principle that stands alongside representative government by popular election.\u00a0Checks and balances come in the form of a well-oiled constitution with\u00a0separation\u00a0of powers, timely dispensation of justice by independent courts, a free press, term limits on the powerful in some countries and strong albeit independent institutions.<\/span><\/p>\n

In simple terms, liberalism\u00a0is about the norms and practices that shape political life. A properly liberal state is one in which individual rights are paramount. It protects the individual not only against the abuses of a tyrant but also against the abuses of democratic majorities.\u00a0In 1997, Fareed Zakaria\u2019s essay in the journal Foreign Affairs<\/em> argued that illiberal democracies were on the rise.\u00a0This rise,\u00a0he argued, then\u00a0assumes a familiar form: more corruption, greater restrictions on assembly and speech, constraints on the press, retribution against political opponents, oppression of minorities. All of these things are bad, but they are not necessarily undemocratic. Putin\u2019s Russia is spangled with repressive and illiberal policies, and yet\u00a0Putin is quite\u00a0popular among Russians. He is, like many near tyrants, a populist.<\/span><\/p>\n

The illiberal trend Zakaria noted in 1997 has, if anything, accelerated. The Western world is not becoming less democratic, but it is becoming less liberal.\u00a0The degree of \u201cilliberalism\u201d seems to depend on the quality of checks and balances, namely on the quality of institutions and the degree of concentration of power.<\/span><\/p>\n

When it comes to Mauritius, institutions have increasingly been weakened and politicized over the past decade.\u00a0Ethnic belonging and\u00a0communal undertones push everlasting party strongmen forward. These leaders who claim to be star representatives of nouban<\/em> more often than not use ethnic belonging as a key tool in the power game.\u00a0In the current\u00a0setup, the\u00a0constitution\u00a0provides quasi monarchic powers to the Prime Minister of the day. Indeed in such a system it pays to be loyal to the quasi monarch of the day, which explains the regular worship of the leader on television and in the press by the usual suspects.<\/span><\/p>\n

Louis XIV built the Chateau of Versailles so that he could get nobles closer to him and under his control. Loyalty and praise to the Sun King was more often than not rewarded by being provided with better rooms, privileges\u00a0and greater proximity. Over time, nobles would quarrel among themselves for the honour of seeing the Sun King relieve himself on his throne like toilet during the c\u00e9r\u00e9monie du lever du Roi.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

Institutions in Mauritius have gradually been politicised and weakened, meritocracy has increasingly become a secondary reflex at best,\u00a0parts of the press is increasingly viewed as being with the government or against it while district councils and municipalities remain largely controlled by the central government. From increasingly repressive laws which limit the freedom of expression to the time it takes to obtain justice from the still independent courts, Mauritian democracy is as illiberal as ever.<\/span><\/p>\n

Independence and accountability<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

While many including those in the Opposition and in civil society have\u00a0criticized the political system in recent times, few have proposed solutions which would take the ground realities of Mauritius into account and that would do away with the core problem, that is, the concentration of power into the hands of the Leader of the day.\u00a0Mauritius also does not need a system where an unpopular monarch is replaced by another strongman with quasi absolute powers.<\/span><\/p>\n

What Mauritius actually needs is a leader who is willing to promise that he or she will reduce his own powers and share it. For example, this could mean greater powers and independence to district councils and municipalities that would also be able to raise local taxes and manage their affairs. It would mean greater participative democracy at the local level, which could bring more proportional representation of different groups at the local level at least for a start.<\/span><\/p>\n

Institutions like the central bank should be made much more independent than they have become today while they should be made accountable to Parliament. These\u00a0institutions\u00a0should be increasingly populated with technocrats rather than yesmen.\u00a0A former Governor of the Bank of Mauritius, for example, did not even have a university degree in recent times, for such things as university degrees no longer matter when compared to loyalty, and sadly it never created any alarm.<\/span><\/p>\n

In order to prevent demagogues from selling dreams to the masses, there should be an independent budget office which would report to Parliament and would conduct independent impact studies on the consequences of electoral promises of major parties and of all budgets.\u00a0Electoral financial reforms, when combined with the de-centralization of power, would also help constrain the power of powerful lobby groups and of corporatism. It is easier to target the one than the many. The rights of the press should also be more formally\u00a0guaranteed\u00a0by an\u00a0amended\u00a0constitution.<\/span><\/p>\n

Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Rather than defending the current Leader or focusing on promoting the next one, whatever remains of the Mauritian intelligentsia should be focusing on ways to convince the masses on the need to limit the ability of future leaders to have such a strong influence over the state and on everyone\u2019s lives.<\/span><\/p>\n

Sameer Sharma is a chartered alternative investment analyst and a certified financial risk manager.<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

* Published in print edition on 21 August 2020<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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