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In
Defence of Street Vendors
–
Dr Sean Carey
Local
commentator Saoud Baccus defends the employment of
expatriate personnel brought to Mauritius to run the tax and
customs services -- in this case, Messrs Lal Cunningham
respectively. Much of his argument is convincing. However
his comments about the cash economy and taxation of street
vendors create a cause for concern.
If
Lal and Cunningham increase the amount of tax revenue and
decrease the level of corruption in the customs service then
this is an unreservedly good thing argues Mr Baccus.
Furthermore, their considerable salaries are small when
compared to the financial benefits, revenues and sound
practices they deliver. "They are doing a
wonderful job for the country… for which we should be
grateful," he writes.
It
all sounds very plausible. If officers demand to be paid
extra from private individuals or companies for clearing and
checking goods, or bending the rules in some way, it is not
advantageous to anyone -- except, of course, themselves and
the immediate beneficiaries of their activities.
We
can all agree that customs regulation should be a clean,
honest and transparent endeavour.
And
the customs service is especially important in controlling
the importation of illegal supplies of drugs and alcohol.
Comparative evidence from around the world suggests that the
low cost and easy availability of such substances --
particularly as part of an illegal trade -- has a
disproportionately negative effect on the behaviour and
attitudes of members of the poorest sections in society. It
also has a massively adverse impact on their take up of
educational and mainstream employment opportunities.
It
is right to recognise customs regulation as an activity
which is vitally important in a densely connected, global
trading system. When performed efficiently, it should enable
goods to move freely in and out of the country with minimum
bureaucratic restrictions, raise revenue and safeguard the
welfare of a country's citizens.
But
when Mr Baccus moves on to the subject of taxation and
declares: "All
fair-minded and responsible citizens would have no qualms in
agreeing that we should all pay our share of taxes on income
earned", I am not sure I can agree with him. I can in
the case of billionaires and millionaires who, in any case,
tend to employ a small army of very good accountants and
lawyers to exploit the many and varied loopholes in any
taxation system. So I don't feel too sorry for them -- they
are undoubtedly fair game and play their own game very well.
I am
concerned, however, that Mr Baccus wants to extend the reach
of the bureaucrats to the category of "self-employed
people like street food merchants, vegetable planters and
all those who deal in cash".
In other words, the little people who probably
haven't had the social and educational advantages of people
like Mr Baccus or those government functionaries who he
champions.
Unlike
Mr Baccus, I am a great admirer of the cash economy. Indeed,
I have conducted research and seen at first hand its
positive effect in certain sections of the catering sector
in London.
The
posh restaurants at the top end of the booming London market
aren't really part of the cash (notes and coins) economy at
all. These include the Michelin-starred restaurants run by
famous British restaurateurs including Gordon Ramsay, Gary
Rhodes and Marco Pierre White as well as British-based
ethnic minority ones like Vineet Bhatia, Atul Kochhar and
Alan Yau. Nearly
all the transactions in these businesses are done by credit
card and other forms of electronic payment.
These businesses undoubtedly pay their taxes and make
a significant contribution to the advanced service sector of
the UK and, thus, to the general welfare of society.
The
phenomenal success of these restaurant groups has even meant
gastronomic outposts in top-end hotels catering for the
well-heeled tourists who visit Mauritius (and comparable
destinations around the world).
A
particularly good example is Vineet Bhatia who was head chef
at Zaika, the first Indian restaurant to win a Michelin star
in London (or anywhere else). He now owns his own
Michelin-starred establishment, Rasoi Vineet Bhatia, in
London's Sloane Square and also set up the highly acclaimed
Safran restaurant (now run by fellow Indian chef, Atul
Kocchar) at Le Touessrok, one of Mauritius' finest
hotels.
However,
the story is quite different at the other end of the
catering sector in the UK. For example, it would not be
possible to keep open all of the restaurants, cafes and
take-aways in the ethnic enclaves of inner London and those
that punctuate the high street locations elsewhere in the
capital if everything that was done was legitimate and above
board.
These
small catering establishments simply couldn’t
continue to attract the hungry hordes of locals and tourists
who turn up every day if they weren't involved in some
creative fiddling, financial and otherwise.
Apart from anything else, the fixed business costs
are often too high. Without
cash payments to staff (thus avoiding the constraints of the
minimum wage) and tax avoidance, huge numbers of cafes and
restaurants in the London area (and across the UK) would be
forced out of business. And this would undoubtedly have
massive and deleterious effects on members of the diverse
local communities in the UK’s capital who often depend on
the catering trade for work.
Let
me be clear, these people really don’t have a choice of
jobs. The vast majority come from poorly educated ethnic
minority groups unlike, say, Vineet Bhatia who hails, as he
proudly states on his website,
from
"an educated, middle-class family in Bombay”
(although I bet that none of his sons and daughters will be
following him into the kitchen).
Don't
get me wrong -- I don't think tax avoidance is an ideal
situation but I don’t think it’s the end of the world
either. The cash economy often creates the social space and
momentum for members of migrant and other disadvantaged
groups, particularly the younger members, to achieve a
degree of upward social mobility that would otherwise be
denied to them.
I
have long been aware of an interesting social pattern found
amongst some relatively poor ethnic minority communities
involved in the UK catering trade. Part of the economic
surplus, legitimate or otherwise, has traditionally been
used to pay for extra educational tuition (secular not
religious) for the children of the family. More recently,
funds have gone towards the purchase of technologies like
the Internet which bring profound educational benefits to
the younger (and sometimes to the older) members of the
household. This
pattern of behaviour is often absent or radically different
in socially and economically comparable white families where
a much greater emphasis is placed on the fun and leisure
aspects of the technology.
An
example of exceptional educational and social progress can
be found in a section of the British Chinese community, the
poor rice farming families who fled Hong Kong’s rice
famine in the 1950s and moved into the catering trade. The
parents may still be running restaurants and take-aways but
most of their children certainly aren’t. They have done
very well at school, gone to university and have taken up
senior positions from accountancy to law and medicine and
all professions in between.
London
can provide Mauritius with a useful lesson: while some areas
of a nation's economy, like customs and excise, need a high
degree of regulation, other areas are best left alone or
very lightly controlled. Turning a bureaucratic blind eye to
financial irregularities in certain areas of the economy is
often the smart thing to do and is certainly preferable to
some of the possible alternatives -- welfare dependency or
livelihoods derived from drug, alcohol and prostitution
related crime.
The
evidence from the most dynamic contemporary economies
including China, India and Singapore, for example suggests
that too much of the wrong sort of government interference
in the lives of a country's citizens stifles enterprise and
may well have serious and unintended consequences not
envisaged by those who champion the representatives of the
hard-nosed "audit culture".
Of
course, another way of addressing these issues would be to
reform the tax system so that, instead of focusing on
avoidance, it positively encouraged behaviour that tends to
generate educational success.
For example, tax relief on computers and fast
Internet connections for poor and low income households with
direct links to local educational institutions would boost
income declaration and promote learning and social mobility
in an increasingly information-based, commercial world.
Fleshing
out the precise details of such a scheme is another matter
and probably best left to financial and educational experts.
But the overall direction could certainly be set by
politicians -- and that lesson is applicable to both
Mauritius and the UK.
Now
where can I buy a decent dholl puri?
Dr
Sean Carey is a Fellow of the Young Foundation, a leading UK
think-tank
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